In The American Democrat, James Fenimore Cooper defended democracy against both mob rule and majority tyranny.

Quigley’s concerns point to the unease, if not fear, that lay behind the optimism and talk of vigor that characterized America during the Kennedy era.

The Eighteenth-Century Commonwealthman stands among the classics of Anglo-American intellectual history.

Forrest McDonald, described The Creation of the Presidency by Charles C. Thach, Jr. as “an unprecedented achievement."

Wormersley's volume addresses the sources of American Revolution and how those ideas fashioned American understandings of liberty.

Nature hates a vacuum, and if modern civic life does not fill itself with a range of sound mystiques, others, more dark, will make an entrance.

Trevor Colbourn seeks to understand the intellectual world the Founders inhabited, in part, by compiling inventories of what they read.

Without “a minimum of envy,” Helmut Schoeck argues, the traditions that provide stability and order would be swept away by eager revolutionaries.

We tend to think of George Washington as the Marble Man, whom all admired and none opposed—Marshall's sober history complicates this view.

Cochrane offers a profound reminder that politics cannot regenerate the world.

At best, scholars often view Spencer as a magnificent dinosaur, at worst a grumpy phantom of Christmas past—this is a mistake.

De Jouvenel’s interest is always to ensure open access to the market, an institution that engenders virtue—without exalting it above human flourishing.

The debate reveals two incompatible visions of American constitutionalism and ordered liberty that are vital to understand today.

Economics is often a morality-free zone, and Paul Heyne shows why this is a mistake.