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Socialism as Conflicted Contrarianism

I agree with Nathan Pinkoski that we should pay attention to the rise of socialism in American politics. Or, rather, I agree with Pinkoski that we should pay attention to the rise of “socialism” in American politics.

As Pinkoski notes, the word “socialism” is in evident vogue, at least in some corners of American political discourse. But whether contemporary uses of the word “socialism” have anything to do with the historic meanings of the same: that is another matter. Like Pinkoski, I do not see a major confluence of the European socialism of yore with the American socialism of today. Yet my read of contemporary American socialists—or contemporary Americans who call themselves socialists—differs from his in its emphasis. In it, I see less bourgeois and less bolshevism. And I see more contrarianism and more commitment to democratic rejuvenation.

The contemporary United States is a place of confused political vocabulary in general. We divide ourselves into “conservative” and “liberal” camps. But our conservatives are classic liberals when it comes to markets, and our liberals are classic conservatives when it comes to protection of the natural world. The classic definitions do not map onto the contemporary practice.

On top of that, basically everybody in today’s United States is what Harvey Mansfield has called a “creeping libertarian,” committed in varying ways to the kind of highly individualistic and relativist ethic captured in the unctuous popular exhortation “you do you.” This year, even the self-described religious students in my freshman seminar came to college dedicated to the proposition that there is no such thing as truth; there are only “personal truths.”

Much, then, of what Pinkoski says about self-proclaimed American socialists—that they are ideologically incoherent and also inclined toward individualism—doesn’t necessarily distinguish them, to me, from the rest of the American mass.

Standing Out in the Crowd

That said, the word “socialism” came back on the American scene relatively recently, as a term of differentiation, and that might be a helpful story to tell, to figure out what might make these socialists not only different from their European predecessors, but different from their American contemporaries.

The story probably begins in 2008, when Senator John McCain—running against Senator Barack Obama for the Presidency—contended that Obama’s proposals to cut middle-class taxes while raising taxes on the wealthy sounded “a lot like socialism.”

“At least in Europe, the socialist leaders who so admire my opponent are upfront about their objectives,” McCain said. “Barack Obama’s tax plan would convert the IRS into a giant welfare agency.”

Sanders has embraced the term “democratic socialism” in part to claim fidelity to the Democratic Party—at least, to the Democratic Party before it got taken over by third-way Clintonian politics.

After Obama won that election, and then won a second term in office, his critics continued to call him a socialist. This prompted the occasional outcry from historians, political scientists, and even leaders of the Socialist Party USA—all of whose attempts to distinguish between traditional socialism and Obama’s technocratic liberalism fell largely on deaf ears. Throughout Obama’s time in office, despite all evidence to the contrary, a majority of Republican voters remained convinced that their President was a secret socialist—and this view led Ezra Klein to say, memorably, that “if President Obama is truly a socialist, he’s not a very good one.”

Reclaiming Socialism

If “socialist” was up to this point mostly an implausible political epithet, the word found new purchase in 2016, when the self-described “democratic socialist” Bernie Sanders began his political ascendance. The fact that by 2019, more than 40 percent of Americans in a Gallup survey said that some form of socialism would be good for the country, has a lot to do with the way Sanders has used the term—a fact that Pinkoski recognizes.

Sanders maintains some links to doctrinnaire socialism—a plaque dedicated to Eugene Debs hangs in his office—but on the campaign trail Sanders made the word “socialism” his own. Largely, he used it to signal breaks with moderate Democrats on various key issues, and more broadly to showcase his contrarian spirit. Doing so has surely appealed to an American electorate, most of whom—77 percent, in one recent survey—think that their political system is badly broken. Sanders has turned the epithet of “socialist” into a badge of honor, a signal of his willingness to split with the current political class.

How much of that signaling is superficial and how much is substance? To be sure, Sanders has been a consistent critic of the big money that feeds the Democratic Party. But he has also caucused reliably with that party, most notably to give the Democrats the 51st Senate seat they needed to control the 110th Congress.

Indeed, Sanders has embraced the term “democratic socialism” in part to claim fidelity to the Democratic Party—at least, to the Democratic Party before it got taken over by third-way Clintonian politics. Repeatedly, Sanders has used “democratic socialism” to link himself to Franklin Delano Roosevelt and the New Deal, as well as to Martin Luther King, Jr., and the Civil Rights movement. In this way, Sanders’ “democratic socialism” assures us that the system does not need to be burned down; it just needs to be returned to an earlier, less corrupted version of itself.

Anxiety and Nostalgia

There is real affinity here to the sentiment behind “Make America Great Again,” suggesting why some Americans are Sanders-or-Trump voters. On the campaign trail, both have suggested—resonating with surveys that show most Americans think the nation’s best days are in its past—that the brightest American future we can imagine harks back to an earlier moment. If these are radical movements, they are practicing a radicalism of an unusually reassuring or retrospective kind.

Whatever else it did, the Sanders campaign simultaneously harnessed the deep disenchantment of American voters and the faith of Americans in the essential wisdom of their political system. Looked at that way, Sanders’ “democratic socialism” seems more like an attempt at realignment rather than a move toward revolution.

Indeed, the signature issue of the Sanders campaign—“Medicare for All”—is quite literally just the extension of a 55-year-old government program to a lot more beneficiaries. Even if a single-payer healthcare system would change the lives of a lot of people, Sanders sold it—and has sold socialism—as basically following through more fully on the promise of postwar liberalism.

Conflicted Contrarianism

What I don’t see in that program, or in the Sanders campaign more broadly, is the ideological distinctiveness of contemporary American socialism that Pinkoski sees, at least in the dimensions that he sees it. As far as I can tell, there is nothing in the Sanders program that falls anywhere outside of—or even pushes the boundaries of—the distributive recommendations of the sacred text of postwar liberalism, John Rawls’ Theory of Justice.

I can go even further back to note that many of the qualities that Pinkoski ascribes to American socialism today—its tendencies toward individualism, statism, anxiety, and postures of moral authority—are qualities that long have been ascribed to American democracy in general. Indeed, they are all qualities, or at least potentialities, that Alexis de Tocqueville saw in American politics in the 1830s.

I am, I think, in heated agreement with Pinkoski that thoughtless individualism, naïve statism, and underlying anxiety trouble American politics. But I see those troubles as more endemic to the mass modern democratic state than to the current crop of Americans who call themselves socialists. If those phenomena are manifest in Sanders supporters and their ilk, they are surely not isolated there.

In the end, I have trouble seeing Sanders-style socialism as distinctive a development as Pinkoski sees it. To the extent that I do see this political movement as distinctive, I find it noteworthy for its conflicted contrarianism—its critique of contemporary Democrats via an embrace of an earlier Democratic party—and a heartfelt if sometimes messy commitment to more egalitarian distribution of government services. That is not to say that American socialism couldn’t become more distinctive, more oppositional, or more self-contained than it is at the present. But for the moment, this seems like an unfamiliar word in American politics that is being harnessed—at least by Sanders—to amplify a familiar tune.

Reader Discussion

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on May 20, 2020 at 08:54:16 am

This is a clear-eyed, historically minded piece. When I listen to Sanders I, like SMB, hear those references to FDR very clearly. I’d add that this may be part of a struggle one could trace back through Debs and many of the too much maligned Populists to the Jeffersonians. I think that’s just following SMB’s argument which rings true to me.

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Anne Norton
on May 20, 2020 at 09:51:03 am

The term democratic socialism implies that the movement is political rather than ideological. I disagree. Moreover, the intolerance of free exchange of ideas by the socialist rank and file in today’s America takes us back to the operational principle of all socialist elites in the last century: one person, one vote, one time. I conjecture that the term liberal socialism is more appropriate name for the so-called democratic socialism in America.
Svetozar (Steve) Pejovich
Professor Emeritus, Texas A&M

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Svetozar (Steve) Pejovich
on May 21, 2020 at 12:44:57 pm

TWO CORE POINTS;
1) Classical Liberalism was a reorganization of aristocracy where a largely educated upper-middle class sought a more open freedom from the domination o monarchy in what comes to be realized as a turn toward democracy in a new vision of a republic. One could compare the rise of an FDR liberal intellectual class as one that equally sought to lift social democracy from the commanding controls of monopolists. We may have to sidestep the oppositions, for the moment, between what comes to be capitalist class society and an attempt to create an alternative society based upon a more working class inclusion in political economic status and state. But that is not to ignore that the differences between monopoly capitalism, nationalistic corporatism (fascism), and the wide ranging spectrum of collectivism vs. individualistic distinctions between liberty and freedom in all its manifestations (as left/center/right libertarianism), that fogs up the quest for a society of inclusiveness that must wrestle with the prosperity of a more concentrated exclusiveness. There is where the confusions become arguments of contrarian contradiction and incompatibility. So for clarity we must restate, especially from the time of the American Revolution and the emerging constitutional democracy that constitutes our Republic, that the line of arguments most direct are those between Monarchs and a liberated middle class that started in Europe and found grounding in the colonies; towards a new consequential round of power monopoly that, with great historic twists, leads to a New Deal and a G.I. Bill for education that creates a contentious new generation of liberals that see civic freedom as a right, and liberty as a rule that requires regulations to balance power relations under social justice.
2) But unlike the colonies that created a future to escape their suppressible and tyrannical past with a written Constitutional foundation, we continue to attempt to define our future in terms of the past and thereby limit all options to the arguments of where oppression begins and when suppression is an end justifying the means. If we are to build a social contract that is negotiable, we must acknowledge the problems of conflicting past histories, but we must create a better language to fit the future. Socialism is society; Democracy is political inclusion. It seems that a Republican Society must come to terms with its face to face encounter with authentic liberty and justice for all. In the meantime, perhaps a "future" socialism must be a democratic social-republic that accepts the fact that we live in an aggregate society; and no one individual stands alone.

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BRUCE E. WOYCH
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on May 29, 2020 at 06:27:01 am

[…] was my argument in “The Strange Rise of Bourgeois Bolshevism.” I am grateful to Susan McWilliams Barndt, Emina Melonic, and James Poulos for providing such thoughtful replies and constructive expansions […]

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Introducing Myself

As an academic, I have worked in various fields, but my dominant passion has been the libertarian pursuit of free markets and freedom under the law. In recent years, I have focused mainly on constitutional originalism. At the University of San Diego, I am the Director of the Center for the Study of Constitutionalism and have a book coming out next year from Harvard, Originalism and the Good Constitution (co-authored with John McGinnis), which presents a new defense of originalism.