What are conservatives to make of January 6?
Greg Weiner
Have we venerated the Constitution so much that it has become untouchable?
NPR's new ethical guidelines for its journalists could benefit from centuries of natural law tradition.
If progressivism actually is marching onward throughout the country, why are advocates of Roe so nervous about it being overturned?
Data and evidence cannot tell us what to do with them—that requires moral judgment.
Might the persistence of bad judges call into doubt the thesis that we should rely on good ones?
The indispensably public nature of voting and not professional narcissism is the prism through which conservatives should view voting reform.
If education exists to "change the world," that world permanently needs changing, never conserving.
San Francisco's school renaming exemplifies a rejection of nuance that deprives citizens of a duty of civic life: talking with one another about the good.
California's new Ethnic Studies curriculum is a system of indoctrination grounded in unintelligibility.
Genuine association is hard work, but we have found an easier way: we have fallen into a dependence on politics as spectacle.
There is an established genre of attacks on the Constitution arising from its failure to produce certain policies at a given moment.
Prudence—that ability to see dimly through the fog that envelops political life—combines humility with the decisiveness that statesmanship requires.
While the Constitution aspires to “establish justice,” its other ambitions—like “domestic tranquility”—are not always compatible with perfect justice.
In the absence of either public virtue or a decent elite, the logic of Federalist 10 collapses.
Offer greetings from your faith because a salutary pluralism of genuine difference will reinforce them all.
Greg Weiner discusses the difference between the political constitution and the judicial constitution.
If Jack Dorsey’s desire is to produce a political climate of discernment and honest debate, he should invest in citizenship, not silence.
The Senator from Harvard has no conception of the proper judicial role other than that it should favor litigants whose political stances she supports.
David Koch is best remembered as a philanthropist for the arts, medical research, museums, public architecture and, among myriad other causes, politics.
Mary Ann Glendon is an inspired choice to lead Pompeo’s Commission on Unalienable Rights and the apoplexy of her critics proves it.
We ought to demand a government that fairly navigates religious and secular concerns and that is open rather than hostile to views of the good.
We are settling into a lasting pattern of both parties in Congress assuming it is the courts’ job, not their own, to protect their institutional power.
Because the Court will not permit legislative compromise on abortion, neither side seeks it. On the contrary, both gravitate to the extremes.
The Democratic Congress lost the impeachment fight before it even started.
The politically correct today will be intolerable tomorrow—at its core, progress demands it.
The oldest emergency proclamation dates to the Carter Administration, 40 years ago. Two generations of crisis are enough.
Partisan disputes come and go, but the encouraging development was institutional: the House of Representatives stared down the presidency and won.
A government with distributed authority has restrictions on its powers.
Oren Cass's book succeeds masterfully as a work of politics regardless of what one thinks of its economics.
The question for conservatism is whether 2019 will be a tougher year for James Madison and Alexis de Tocqueville than it is for Donald Trump.
Originalism is not merely a theory of how the Constitution should be preserved but also of how, precisely, it should change.
As long as presidential power grows, so will our obsession with it, and the people who occupy the Oval Office.
To take the bitterness out of these judicial fights, take the power out of the Court.
Perhaps we ought to give this administration credit where credit is due.
Demanding that Kavanaugh recuse himself from any Supreme Court rulings on the Mueller investigation is silly.
A class action case against the Detroit Public Schools on its way to the Sixth Circuit shows the perils of rights talk: if literacy is a right, what isn't?
As we consider Justice Kennedy's successor, we should ask what a conservative judge should believe about the role of the courts.
The current tariffs are not what is most important; the authority of lawmakers is.
George Carey's In Defense of the Constitution offers a rich defense of republican self-government.
Seeking policy resolution from the courts, when you have the votes to do it yourself, is the height of legislative folly.
Public institutions of supposedly liberal learning, which are increasingly alienating mainstream Americans, have no entitlement to public support.
Using the Emoluments Clause to sue the President reinforces congressional weakness, and there is a better way.
Reviving the old meaning of "high crimes and misdemeanors" would allow judicial impeachment on prudential rather than narrowly criminal grounds.
Lacking a sense of community, parents don't trust their neighbors enough to let their kids play alone, The Sandlot reminds us of another way to live.
Nothing about Trump's lying or vulgarity has contributed to his policy successes.
Presidents come and go but so, as defenders of DACA ought also to know, do judges.
Reflections on a Year of President Trump
The reason to be skeptical of judicial remedies for such a problem is that they closely resemble the constitutional equivalent of the CFPB.
President Trump’s inability or unwillingness to lead on a legislative agenda may trigger a renaissance of congressional government.
Nancy MacLean’s Democracy in Chains: The Deep History of the Radical Right’s Stealth Plan for America, a scurrilous attack on James M. Buchanan.
Trump’s apologists, too, are jettisoning the conservatism in whose name they have boarded his train.
That is not to say the judiciary has no role in constitutional interpretation, only that it is part of the ongoing conversation that comprises republican p
The idea that leaders should be willing to curb their appetites for greatness when circumstances do not require it comes from Abraham Lincoln.
George H.W. Bush has endured laughter and defeat for the quality that most commends him: prudence.
Fidelity to the Constitution, which necessarily includes having an opinion as to its meaning, is not merely an authority. It is a responsibility.
Impeachment is a wrenching process used only the worst of constitutional sins, and only when the populace can be brought along.
Routing a political dispute to the courts is the constitutional equivalent of appealing to one’s parents for relief from the bully on the block.
Superpower status brings obligations of leadership. But leadership can be exercised with arrogance or humility and in a spirit of adventure or restraint.
George W. Carey was a student’s teacher, unfailing with encouragement but also frank with reproach.
Greg Weiner is a Contributing Editor of Law & Liberty. He is the President of Assumption University and a visiting scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. Weiner is the author of Old Whigs: Burke, Lincoln, and the Politics of Prudence and The Political Constitution: The Case Against Judicial Supremacy. He tweets at @GregWeiner1.